By Alejandro de la Fuente
After thirty years of anticolonial fight opposed to Spain and 4 years of army profession by way of the U.S., Cuba officially grew to become an autonomous republic in 1902. The nationalist coalition that fought for Cuba's freedom, a circulation within which blacks and mulattoes have been good represented, had expected an egalitarian and inclusive country--a state for all, as Jos? Mart? defined it. yet did the Cuban republic, and later the Cuban revolution, stay as much as those expectancies? Tracing the formation and reformulation of nationalist ideologies, executive regulations, and varied varieties of social and political mobilization in republican and postrevolutionary Cuba, Alejandro de los angeles Fuente explores the possibilities and obstacles that Afro-Cubans skilled in such parts as task entry, schooling, and political illustration. demanding assumptions of either underlying racism and racial democracy, he contends that racism and antiracism coexisted inside Cuban nationalism and, in flip, Cuban society. This coexistence has continued to at the present time, regardless of major efforts by way of the progressive govt to enhance the lot of the negative and construct a kingdom that was once really for all.
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Extra info for A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Envisioning Cuba)
Afro-Cuban intellectuals ridiculed the dominant discourse of a Cuba with all and for all as a ‘‘cantilena’’ used by politicians to attract votes in election times and stressed that the republic had in fact betrayed Martí’s vision of a racially fraternal nation. ≥≥ ‘‘We speak and work practically so that the ideal of the Apostle of our freedoms, José Martí, who dreamed and wanted a cordial Republic ‘with all and for all,’ may be a reality and not a myth,’’ a black woman asserted in 1929. ≥∂ This discourse asserted as well that blacks’ entitlement to unqualiﬁed membership in the nation and to all the beneﬁts of the republic was not a white concession but a conquest of Afro-Cuban insurgents, whose participation in the wars of independence had made la patria possible.
In contrast to the United States and South Africa, however, in Cuba and other Latin American countries workers insisted for the most part on the need to create alternative, cross-racial class identities. But even if white workers in Cuba had sought to enforce a monopoly over the best sectors of the market—and, given the dominant ideology of racial fraternity, there is no evidence that they ever did—they lacked the political power to do so. When they got access to power, it was as part of a Communist-led, militant, cross-racial labor movement that by the late 1930s had emerged as a major actor in the Cuban political scene.
This radical interpretation was defended initially by only a handful of Afro-Cuban voices. After the 1920s, it was endorsed also by the radical labor movement and the Communist Party. S. occupation forces and the traditional white elite, on the other. Clashes also took place within the nationalist ideology. This chapter discusses these formulations of race and nation, their di√erences and similarities. In order to facilitate the analysis, the ﬁrst section traces the formation of the nationalist ideology of racial democracy and discusses its ambiguities and contradictions, which enabled various social groups to advance vastly di√erent interpretations of the same ideology.
A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Envisioning Cuba) by Alejandro de la Fuente